Washington Promotes Radicalization and Polarization in Venezuela and Throughout the Region
THE
RADICALIZATION OF U.S. POLICY ON VENEZUELA
By
Steve Ellner
Article posted by Consortium News
Washington’s recognition
of the shadow government headed by Venezuelan National Assembly president Juan
Guaidó is one more demonstration of how the Trump administration has
radicalized foreign policy positions and in doing so violates international law,
including the OAS charter.
On this issue like
others, the Obama administration laid the groundwork for Trump’s
radicalization, but it was usually more discrete. Obama issued an executive
order calling Venezuela a threat to U.S. national security and created a list
of Venezuelan officials who were sanctioned. The Trump administration’s
escalation included financial sanctions against the Venezuelan government and
measures against the nation’s oil industry. In addition, top administration
officials have played an openly activist role by traveling throughout the
continent to promote the campaign to isolate Venezuela.
The first signal that the
pro-U.S. international community would recognize the Guaidó government came
from Washington along with its most right-wing ally, the Jair Bolsonaro
government of Brazil. As of last year, Great Britain had intended to not
recognize Maduro after he took office for his second term on January 10, but it
intended to maintain diplomatic relations. Washington pushed for a more radical
position, that of not only not recognizing Maduro but establishing diplomatic
relations with a shadow government.
The activist approach to
diplomacy was put in evidence the day after the January 23 opposition protests,
when Secretary of State Pompeyo offered 20 million dollars of “humanitarian
assistance” to the Venezuelan population. Many Venezuelans see this as humiliating
and nothing short of a bribe designed to pressure the country into submission.
Never since the Cuban
revolution, has the U.S. government played such an overtly activist role
throughout the continent in favor of the isolation of a government that is not
to its liking. In the process it has further polarized Venezuela and the
continent as a whole. The moderates in the Venezuelan opposition, including two
former presidential candidates of the two main traditional parties, Claudio
Fermín and Eduardo Fernández, have favored electoral participation and
recognition of the legitimacy of the Maduro government. Washington’s actions
pull the rug from under the moderates and strengthen the hands of the
extremists in the opposition.
In August 2017,
opposition parties accepted the National Constituent Assembly’s (ANC) call for
gubernatorial elections in October of that year. Now most of those same parties
refuse to recognize the Maduro government on grounds that the ANC, which convened
the presidential elections, is an illegitimate body.
The Trump administration
has promoted a similar radicalization throughout the hemisphere. Most of the
countries that have recognized Guaidó are on the right (as opposed to the
center). But previously the rightist presidents of Chile (Sebasián Piñera), Argentina
(Mauricio Macri) and Brazil (under then president Michel Temer) rejected the statement by OAS secretary general
Luis Almagro that military intervention in Venezuela should be considered.
Trump, Bolsonaro and recently elected Colombian president Iván Duque have
pushed these rightist presidents to an even more extreme position on Venezuela.
But just as there are
moderates in the Venezuelan opposition who support dialogue, which the
mainstream media have pretty much ignored, there are moderates in the
international community who are also in favor of dialogue. These figures
include Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Pope Francis, UN secretary
general Antonio Guterres, and the UN’s High Commissioner for Human Rights and
ex-president of Chile Michelle Bachelet. What they are proposing represents the
best hope for this battered nation.
Steve Ellner is Associate
Managing Editor of “Latin American Perspectives” and is the editor of “The Pink
Tide Experiences: Breakthroughs and Shortcomings in Twenty-First Century Latin
America” (2019).
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