THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE ECONOMIC WAR AND CORRUPTION IN VENEZUELA: THE DEVIL IS IN THE DETAILS
The Chavista resounding victory in the October 15
gubernatorial elections provides a golden opportunity to take bold measures to
overcome shortcomings even while risking clashes with powerful individuals or
groups. One important failure is the scant evidence that the Maduro government
has presented to the Venezuelan public to document the economic war being waged
against Venezuela and its efforts to combat corruption, speculation and
contraband. It is not enough for Maduro and other leaders to decry the
machinations of adversaries and to repeatedly claim that Venezuela is a victim
of an “economic war.” For the claim to be convincing, the government needs to
reveal the specifics as to how the war is being waged and who the actors and
accomplices are, and to expose their modus operandi.
There is no doubt in my mind that the economic war
waged by national and international actors to a great extent accounts for the nation’s
pressing economic problems. One just needs to consider glaring facts,
extrapolate and use a bit of common sense. Venezuela’s Chamber of Commerce
(Fedecámaras), after spearheading the April 2002 coup attempt, created
scarcities in a second attempt to oust Chávez beginning in December of that
year – and that was even before he declared himself a socialist. Then consider
the twice-issued Obama decree declaring Venezuela a threat to U.S. national
security, followed by Trump’s threats of military intervention and his
financial sanctions against the Venezuelan oil industry. These pronouncements
sent signals to the private sector to pull out of Venezuela. The effects of the
pronouncements on private investment are undoubtedly more pronounced than when
the IMF rejects a funding request from a third-world country.
There are only two interpretations of the
significance of these aggressive postures by two U.S. presidents. Or they
constitute nothing more than bluster with no real effect on the ground, or they
have very real repercussions and/or reflect other clandestine or
behind-the-scenes actions. There is no doubt in my mind, that the latter
hypothesis is the closest to reality. Put another way: There is a relationship
between the visible efforts by powerful actors, such as U.S. presidents, Marco
Rubio and his ilk, the corporate media, etc., to discredit the Venezuelan
government and the decision of GM, Clorox, Kimberly Clark, numerous airlines,
etc. to pull out of Venezuela. In short, there is a political motive behind the
investment decisions of international capital as well as local capital (such as
Alimentos Polar which produces in Colombia and Texas what they previously
produced in Venezuela).
Many Venezuelans do not appreciate the impact of this
economic war and some are actually skeptical that it exists at all. Maduro and
other Chavista leaders are partially responsible for this failure to grasp the
intensity and effectiveness of the politically-inspired economic war. Maduro,
following in Chávez’s footsteps, puts the accent mark on his government’s
positive achievements and in effect downplays the hardships that people are
facing on a daily basis. Such a communication strategy has its pros and cons.
But regardless of how much he plays up government achievement in a moment of
great difficulties, Maduro needs to provide concrete evidence to back his claim
of the existence of an “economic war” since otherwise the term becomes a hollow
phrase.
An example of this communication shortcoming is the
failure to refute the explanations of numerous airlines over recent months to
suspend flights to Venezuela. Delta, United, Lufthansa, Avianca, Iberia, Aeromexico,
AeroArgentina have pulled out of Venezuela, while American has canceled many of
its flights including those to New York. The airlines offer completely different
explanations for their decision and none of them are convincing. American says
that it's because of insecurity, but if that's the reason why haven’t they
eliminated all flights? Furthermore, I have seen personally the routine ground transportation
of the airline crews in special vehicles from Maiquetía to a neighboring hotel
with no appearance of danger at all. Another argument, that the government owes
the airlines money, isn’t at all convincing either. The debt stems from the
period when Venezuelans could purchase tickets in bolívares and the government
was supposed to convert the bolívares into dollars for the airlines, but that
practice was ended about three years ago. So why did the airlines choose the
period of heightened political conflict manifested by the guarimba protests in
2017 to discontinue flights?
In
August, National Constituent Assembly (ANC) deputy Jacobo
Torres
delivered a speech in which he referred to the suspension of flights as an
example of the economic war. Chavista leaders, however, have to refute the justifications
presented by the airlines, one by one. Calling this part of the “economic war” –
which indeed it is – is not enough. Airport talk among travelers typically blames
Maduro for the difficulties incurred by passengers, rather than the airlines. Specific
information is what is needed. The devil is in the details.
Another example of the explanatory shortcoming is
the problem of absence of circulating currency. This has been nothing less than
an ordeal for the entire nation cutting across class lines. People wait on long
lines in and outside of banks and usually are able to withdraw only 10,000
bolivares or less per day. That is the equivalent of less than 50 U.S. cents. I
have conducted an unofficial survey of explanations offered by Chavista
sympathizers. The fact that different theories are floating around regarding
the cause of the shortage of bills, and that even Chavistas are unclear as to
what is happening, is clear evidence of a communication problem on the part of
the government.
One unexpected bright spot is the anti-corruption
efforts of recently appointed Attorney General Tarek William Saab in what he is
calling a “crusade" and he has the backing of President Maduro as well as the
state infrastructure including different police forces. On various occasions
the Attorney General has addressed the nation presenting details of important
state functionaries as well as businesspeople and in some cases members of
state security forces who have been arrested. He presents names of the culprits
and details of their operations as well as his own efforts. For instance, today
(October 18) he indicated that a bank account has been opened in one of the state
banks where the bills that were confiscated are being deposited. The explicitness of Saab’s presentations
contrasts with operations in the past, in which names and other details of the
accused were not presented. Apparently the government acquiesced to Fedecámaras’
insistence that businesspeople accused of wrongdoing should be considered
innocent until a judge’s verdict indicates the contrary.
Following the Chavista electoral victory on October
15, Chavista leaders have begun to talk of a reactivation (“reimpulso”) and
renovation of the Chavista movement and the need for elected officials to be
more in tune with the people and more open to criticism. These calls were
expressed in the ANC’s session of accreditation of elected governors on October
18. ANC president Delcy Rodríguez, elected governor of Lara Carmen Melendez and
elected governor of Miranda Héctor Rodríguez all articulated this message. To be
effective, the renovation has to include a new type of discourse which bypasses
empty generalizations and stresses the specific, concrete aspects of the problems
effecting people’s daily lives and the specific actions that are being taken to
alleviate those problems.
0 Comments:
Post a Comment
Subscribe to Post Comments [Atom]
<< Home