MARXISM’S UNIQUE CAPACITY TO SYNTHESIZE BREAKTHROUGHS IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES
DAVID LAIBMAN’S
SYNTHESIS APPROACH TO LONG-STANDING ISSUES OF MARXIST DEBATE: Review essay of Passion and Patience: Society, History, and Revolutionary Vision*
by Steve Ellner
Published in Science and Society, vol. 81, no. 3,
July 2017, pp. 397-402
One of the merits of Passion and Patience is the breadth of the theoretical issues that
Laibman analyzes and the cohesiveness of the arguments he puts forward. In
doing so, he demonstrates the vitality and applicability of Marxism on diverse fronts.
Laibman argues for the open-ended nature of Marxism as well as recognition of
the “major contributions to our overall project” (p. 4) of a wide range of
Marxist and (though to a much lesser extent) non-Marxist currents, such as
Keynesianism and postmodernism. He also attempts to achieve a synthesis of
Marxist schools in a number of areas and in doing so distances himself from
dogmatic and reductionist formulations.
The book is a collection of essays published mostly
in Science & Society beginning in
1994. The articles are organized in eleven chapters corresponding to topics
related to Marxism, including political economy, capitalism in crisis,
revolutionary strategy, and two on historical materialism. In spite of the extensive
period of time that has elapsed since the publication of most of the essays,
Laibman observes in the Introduction that nearly all of them “stand up quite
well” (p. 7) and represent his current thinking. An exception is his earlier view
that associated “socialism with collectivism and cooperation” (p. 7), as
opposed to his current vision (undoubtedly influenced by the increased
importance of social movements and social issues) that combines or perhaps
synthesizes collectivism and individuality.
Laibman suggests that Marxism may have a
“unique capacity” to synthesize diverse breakthroughs in the social sciences
and at the same time “address the novel aspects of present-day reality.” His syntheses
include fundamental Marxist positions that have historically divided Marxists
and, as he shows, have been misinterpreted by non-Marxists. The deterministic
tendency of some Marxists, for instance, has been distorted by philosophers
such as Karl Popper to demonstrate the inherently totalitarian nature of
Marxism. In refuting the determinist accusation, Laibman states unequivocally
“there is absolutely no sense
in which historical materialist theory ‘predicts’ any human outcome” (p. 68), even while he recognizes
“underlying determinacy and directionality” (p. 69). Human survival, for instance, is anything but
guaranteed and in the face of this reality historical materialism only “points
to the door and urges us to find it, as soon as possible” (p. 13). In way of
another example, Laibman points to the possibility that “those in control of
production …block and prevent technical change” (p. 68) in which case the
contradictions of the dominant system analyzed by Marx will fail to deepen.
Laibman’s observation, in effect, refutes the claim that Marx championed technological
determinism.
Far from recognizing the validity of the
anti-Marxist argument regarding Marxism’s rigidity, Laibman claims that
non-Marxist social scientists are guilty of determinism in that they separate
“objective and subjective dimensions, rather than “grasping their intense
interaction” (p. 59). At the same time they idly wish that human agency could
enter into the picture. In contrast, historical materialism enhances
“revolutionary prospects… by joining appeals to subjective possibilities with
study of objective conditions: what can be done in any given set of
circumstance” (p. 59).
Along similar lines, Laibman recognizes the
merits of two basic and often conflicting visions that have been the subject of
considerable debate among Marxists, one based on the dialectic and the other
structuralism. The latter includes structural Marxism, which forcefully questions
Marxism’s Hegelian input. Laibman avoids reference to structural Marxism and
its main theoretician Louis Althusser and instead contrasts the dialectic with
what he calls “methodological equilibrium,” in which the pure qualities of capitalism
are accepted as valid for analytical purposes. In several essays, Laibman
defends the usefulness of analyzing systems such as capitalism in their pure
form or “inner core” (p. 119) or as an “abstraction” (in accordance with the
structuralist approach) on grounds that they have “regular properties” and
“benchmark values” (p. 120), even while recognizing that at any given historical
moment they have almost invariably been of a hybrid nature and in a state of
flux. In support of the structural approach toward the analysis of capitalism,
Laibman points out “if you want to overthrow and replace it, you had better
first… figure out how it works” (p. 119-120). As a way to overcome the
difference between Marxism’s dialectical-based and structural-based variants at
the metaphysical level, Laibman points to the relevance of the aphorism “motion
and structure are the twin modes of existence of matter” (p.
117). In his support for a synthesis, Laibman argues that “structure and
transformation, stasis and crisis, are intertwined aspects of capitalist
reality” and that an appreciation of this duality is the only way to grasp the
“complex reality” of capitalism (p. 120).
Another example of a synthesis embodied in Laibman’s
analysis is his discussion of the current crisis of capitalist that began to
manifest itself in the 1970s. Some Marxists have attributed the phenomenon to “under-consumption”
while others to the falling rate of profit due to technological advances and/or
working class gains. Rejecting all-encompassing explanations, Laibman reaches
the following conclusion: “We should avoid… setting competition against
technical change against market limitation against class struggle
as explanatory vehicles. Understanding capitalist crisis clearly involves all
of these, and more. The task… is to figure out exactly how they fit together”
(p. 138).
The Marxist debate over crisis also reflects
the structuralism-dialectic polemic and here again Laibman calls for a
synthesis approach. On the one hand, he defends the Marxist concept of the law
of value (and the use of the term “labor theory of value”) as a valid
instrument to analyze capitalism in the abstract and in “normal” situations, as
opposed to moments of crisis. While certainly not endorsing the position that
writes off economic crisis as external to the capitalist system, Laibman
recognizes that capitalism “is not absolutely unstable” (p. 119), thus the
feasibility of the structuralism approach. On the other hand, he quotes Greek
economist and former finance minister Yanis Varoufakis as saying that
capitalism in reality fails to “fit into well-behaved models” (p. 119).
Laibman raises the possibility of syntheses in
his discussion of other topics. In the chapter “Labor, Symbols, Nature, Human
Nature” for example, Laibman rejects two extremes: the cultural relativism of
the postmodernists and absolute behaviorism that deny inherent features of human
behavior, on the one hand, and the “human nature” argument that posits
unalterable behavior patterns, on the other. Laibman argues that the former line
of thinking leads to “total nihilism” (p. 76) and adds that even Marx
recognized certain basic human qualities and needs unmet by capitalism.
Similarly, in his discussion of the role of
markets, Laibman stakes out a middle ground. On the one hand, he rejects the
position of those Marxists who view markets as antithetical to the socialist
system. Markets under socialism are destined to play a positive role and only
under communism will they wither away. On the other hand, Laibman questions the
notion of market socialism that “markets are an inherent feature of human life
and socialism should be based on them” (p. 169; Laibman, 86, 2002).
Laibman’s synthesis approach is manifested in
the book’s title “Passion and Patience,” a quote that is attributed to
long-time U.S. Communist leader William Z. Foster. Referring to the title,
Laibman writes in the Introduction that the “right combination” of the two “is
the way to go” but “finding” it is no easy matter (p. 1). Undoubtedly, for
Laibman, “passion” is an indispensable component of any progressive movement
for authentic change. Passion is fed by the conviction that capitalism is the
root cause of the multiple ills and injustices confronting the world today and
that socialism is the only viable humanitarian alternative. Left to itself, there is little room for
compromise or nuanced positions.
In contrast, the word “patience” sheds light on
the complexity of history, the multi-dimensional aspects of systemic
transformation and the protracted duration of the process of meaningful change.
Laibman uses the term “deep history” to refer to the larger timescale and
social and cultural evolution that points in predetermined directions. Laibman
conditions the directionality of his version of historical materialism by recognizing
the “centrality of agency” (p. 72) and the multiplicity of “concrete social
formations” (p. 69) making anything possible, at least in the short run. In
addition, he eludes mechanical Marxism by pointing to the interplay within
nations of modalities of distinct systems corresponding to distinct periods of
history. Given the complexity stemming from this configuration of contrasting,
if not incompatible, components, no one can say with assurance that the time
has come for a systemic change, or that one is around the corner. Elsewhere
Laibman wrote: “For ‘official’ reasons in the East and ‘utopian’ ones in the
West, Marxists have repeatedly compressed the time line for social change”
(Laibman, 2005, 287).
In defining his concept of deep history,
Laibman opts for an in-between position that avoids the extremes of what some call
the “hard” (perhaps a euphemism for dogmatic) Marxist approach and the “soft”
approach, or, as he writes elsewhere, “developing a theory that is
simultaneously ‘hard’ and ‘soft’” (Laibman, 2007, 4). The former is
characterized by determinism and belief in the commonality of fundamental
factors and linear succession. The “soft” category may include the theory of
overdetermination in which numerous factors at the level of structure and
superstructure enter into play, thus making predictions of any sort
problematic. An extreme expression of the “soft” approach would be postmodernism,
which recognizes an infinite number of variables and highlights contingency.
Laibman’s rejection of the so-called “hard”
position in its pure form, which simplifies the process of transformation, and
the “soft” position, which denies or underestimates directionality, has far-reaching
political implications. Directionality and the unsynchronized, multidimensional
process of change – considered by Laibman to be fundamental components of
historical materialism – lend themselves to a nuanced evaluation of socialist governments
in spite of shortcomings, erroneous policies and structural deficiencies. Key aspects
of these experiences such as state planning and, in the case of Venezuela,
popular participation in decision making, are essential elements of socialist
transformation that leftists needs to appreciate and highlight, even while
pointing to and analyzing errors committed. Directionality is thus a corrective
to purism and reductionism that pass over the positive aspects of existing
socialism, which is faulted for falling short of what is alleged to be the
system’s fundamental definition.
In his chapter on Soviet socialism, Laibman
departs from the tendency to incorporate diverse factors and explanations into
his analysis. While presenting cogent arguments to demonstrate the socialist
character of the Soviet Union, Laibman attributes the shortcomings of state
planning and the ultimate collapse of the Soviet Union to “the authoritarian
habits and culture inherited from past decades (and, indeed, centuries)” (p. 240).
He concludes that in the area of political economy “the Soviet Union had it
right!” (p. 171) and that “the Soviet demise was due to the culture, not to the
economy” (p. 172). Such all-encompassing statements ignore the obvious tie-in
between widespread institutionalized corruption (which at first glance could be
characterized as “cultural”) and the chronic shortages and unwieldy distribution
system that lent themselves to unethical conduct. Shortages, which were the
result of structural deficiencies and/or errors in economic policy, led to
corruption, not vice versa. Contrary to what Laibman explicitly alleges,
economics trumped cultural factors.
In short, Laibman’s outstanding contribution is
his overall vision based on the formulation of syntheses as a means to resolve
long-standing polemical issues from a Marxist perspective. Over a century and a
half of political struggle since 1848 has not provided Marxists with definitive
or nearly definitive answers to many basic questions that have historically divided
the left, suggesting the need to go beyond a singular set of explanations. Nevertheless,
the answers certainly do not consist of a tick in the box of the all-of-the-above
option in a multiple choice-type list of factors. Laibman argues for a
veritable synthesis of different Marxist positions and implies that the real challenge
for theoreticians and strategists on the left is to demonstrate how aspects of apparently
conflictive and mutually exclusive explanations fit together. Laibman’s attempt
to meet this challenge goes hand in hand with his advocacy of a non-dogmatic
brand of Marxism, one that combines an appreciation of the structural whole
with an appreciation of the relentlessly changing features of the system.
* I would like to
thank Barbary Foley for her critical comments on an earlier draft.
REFERENCES
Laibman, David. 2002. “Comment.” Science and Society, 66:1 (Spring), 86-87.
_______. 2005. “Theory and
Necessity: The Stadial Foundations of the Present.” Science and Society, 69:3 (July), 285-315.
______. 2007. Deep History: A Study in Social Evolution and Human Potential.
Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
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